Monday, May 13, 2013

Ethiopia Lost $16.5 Billion to Illegal Smuggling of Cash

Last week police in Ethiopia conducted a high-profile corruption sweep in Addis Ababa, the biggest of its type in the Capital in more than ten years, arresting 13 people, including a Minister and his deputy in charge of the Ethiopian Revenues and Customs Authority.

But how big is corruption in Ethiopia on the global scale? We placed a phone call to the Washington, D.C office of Global Financial Integrity (GFI), which tracks illicit financial flows out of developing countries worldwide.

According to Clark Gascoigne, a spokesperson for GFI, the organization’s latest available research data show that the amount of money that Ethiopia lost to illegal smuggling of cash out of the country, both by the government and the private sector between 2001 and 2010, totals 16.5 billion U.S. dollars.

Mr. Gascoigne pointed out GFI’s statistics are based on official data provided by the Ethiopian government, World Bank, and IMF.

“Our numbers indicate all funds that illicitly left the country in a ten year period including by individuals and private companies illegally funneling their money out of Ethiopia,” he said.

Ethiopia also ranks 113 out of 176 countries in the Corruption Perception Index of Transparency International, the global civil society coalition that encourages accountability initiatives by regular citizens.

Meanwhile, the Federal Anti-Corruption Commission in Ethiopia said that Melaku Fanta, a Minister and the Director General of the Ethiopian Revenues and Customs Authority, and his deputy, Gebrewahed Woldegiorgis, are two of the highest ranking officials apprehended so far on bribery, kickback and fraud accusations.

The other individuals currently in custody on similar indictment include Ketema Kebede, who is the proprietor of KK Trading, Simachew Kebede, owner of the Intercontinental Hotel, and investor Mihretab Abreha, as well as Nega Gebre Egziabeher of Netsa Trading PLC.

Saturday, April 20, 2013

Fisheries Authority concerned by Ethiopian dam

Head of the Fisheries Authority Amani Ismail has warned of the threat posed to Egypt by the construction of a dam in Ethiopia.

Writing on the authority’s official website, Ismail said: “There is no longer room for doubt that Egypt is facing a real disaster in the coming months.” She said that the impending disaster is a result of the Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation Mohamed Baha’a El-Din’s recognition of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) project.

Ismail highlighted that the GERD will change the course of the Blue Nile, a tributary of the Nile. She believes that this will cause Egypt and Sudan to lose out on 18m cubic metres of water and reduce the electricity produced by the Aswan Dam by approximately 25%-30%.

Ismail accused the governments of President Mohamed Morsi and former president Hosni Mubarak of not taking action to prevent these losses.

Ismail’s criticisms come after Baha’a El-Din asserted that Egypt is committed to fair distribution of the water from the Nile.

The GERD has led to strained relations with Sudan and Egypt, as it will greatly reduce the amount of water flow and consequentially reduce their share of Nile water.

In September 2012 Egypt denied allegations of a plot to bomb the GERD. The story was printed by a Sudanese newspaper that cited whistle-blowing website WikiLeaks as a source.

Egypt has long received the largest share of the water from the Nile, as per agreements signed in 1929 and 1959, which guaranteed Egypt 55.5bn cubic metres annually of the estimated total of 84bn cubic metres.

Egypt has held a number of meetings and consultations on the issue, including talks with Burundi and Sudan. In January, Egypt refused to sign the Entebbe agreement with other Nile-basin countries. Baha’a El-Din claimed that it was not suitable for downstream countries like Egypt.

Friday, April 19, 2013

Oromo: OSA Appeals To UN Secretary General


The Oromo Studies Association has written an appeal to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on land grabbing in Oromia.
Below is an artyicle published by Gadaa:

His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General
  
Your Excellency Ki-moon:
I am writing on behalf of the Oromo Studies Association (OSA), a scholarly organization established by Oromo and non-Oromo scholars to promote studies on and relevant to the Oromo people. We are gravely concerned that the Tigrayan-led minority Ethiopian government continues forcefully evicting Oromo farmers and other indigenous peoples from their ancestral lands and leasing them to national and transnational investors without their consent and with little or no compensation. Hundreds of thousands of Oromo farmers and other indigenous communities continue losing their farming and grazing lands they have owned for centuries and thrown out on the streets exposing their families and extended families to humiliation, starvation and death. In many instances family heads are given a 30 day notice to evacuate from their land. Those who refused to comply with the short notice faced intimidation, beatings, arrests, and in some cases death.
The Oromo people are the single largest ethno/national group in the Ethiopian empire and in the Horn of Africa constituting more than 40% of the Ethiopian population. Oromia, homeland of the Oromos in Ethiopia, covers a large geographical area. By all accounts, Oromia is the single richest region in the Empire with abundant fertile land, livestock products, coffee, oil seeds, mineral resources, and a diverse wild life. Compared with other regions of the empire, Oromia gets relatively high rainfall and a relatively large proportion of its surface is covered with forest. The current government in Ethiopia is controlled by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), a group originating from the Tigrai regional state in the north. Contrary to Oromia, the Tigrai regional state is characterized by barren land with meagre natural resources and the Tigrayan population constitute only about 6% of the Ethiopian population. The Tigrayan-led minority government is therefore practicing a discriminatory and destructive land-grab policy as a way of exploiting the abundant wealth and natural resources of the Oromo and other communities by forcefully evicting families from their lands and signing land-lease contracts with Tigrayan and foreign investors.
Despite the fact that Tigrai is the poorest region in the empire, many Tigrayan business men and women have turned themselves into rich investors building their personal business empire over the last 21 years of the TPLF rule. The current destructive land-grab policy of the regime is a continuation of the amassing of personal wealth of the members of the ruling elite at the cost of destroying the livelihood of the families of indigenous communities such as the Oromo. It has nothing to do with investment or development as the government tries to mislead the international community. This land-grab policy is harmful and wrong in many ways including that:
a. It displaces, marginalizes and exposes vulnerable peasants to inescapable suffering and death;
b. It exacerbates food insecurity, ethnic conflict and mass starvation;
c. It is discriminatory as it applies only to the Southern regions of Ethiopia, such as Oromia, Gambella, and Benishangul;
d. The Ethiopian government that makes and implements such policy decisions and signs land lease contracts on behalf of the peoples of the Southern Ethiopia comes entirely from the Tigrayan ethnic group of the North.
OSA members and the millions of Oromo farmers and others are deeply concerned by this reckless policy because of its obvious discriminatory implications that fuel conflict among various ethno-national groups. I am writing to request that the UN involve in stopping the illegal seizure of lands of indigenous peoples by implementing the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
The historical impacts of land-grab in Ethiopia were characterized by brutal conflicts, cultural extinction, and even genocide through mass killings. The war of occupation and land-grab in the last decades of the nineteenth century resulted in the death of about five million (50%) people in Southern Ethiopia. The current problems associated with land-grab are especially complex in Southern Ethiopia; the local people are not represented in the government of Ethiopia that is dominated and led by Tigrayans. Mistrust between Tigreans who come from the north and the Southern peoples of Ethiopia is rampant, shaped by a bitter history of war, occupation, cultural domination, and inherited hostility. The non-Tigrayan population of Ethiopia see the decision of the Tigrayan government of Ethiopia as a deliberate and conniving move to dismantle the cultural fiber of the South and expand Tigrayan cultural and economic domination. Land-grab is indeed perceived among the Southern Ethiopian population as a hostile trap targeting their most sacred property, their land.
Since 1996, the total area of agricultural land transferred to the investors is 4 million hectares. A total land transferred to investors will be 7 million hectares of agricultural land by the end of 2015. Over 94% of the land assigned to Tigrayan and foreign investors is located in Southern Ethiopia i.e., the non-Tigrayan and non-Amhara regions. To seal the deal, the Ethiopia regime offers protection to investors by being a member of the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agencies that the agreements guarantee investors’ right without providing opportunities for those affected by activities of investment projects to challenge the agreements and to call for adequate compensation. For example the agreement signed with the Netherlands on the encouragement and reciprocal protection of investment offers considerable incentives to the private corporations wishing to invest in Ethiopia: i.e., it guarantees transfers of profits, interests, or dividends in freely convertible currency of payments related to investments, that a Dutch company investing in Ethiopia would not have to pay tax and that profits can flow back to the Netherlands without any restrictions.
Your Excellency:
We know of no government policy in the world, where the majority of the citizens are subjected to different set of rules based on ethnic identity; this government imposes these preferential rules firmly to protect the interests of Tigrayan and foreign investors more than the people of the country it allegedly represents. Consequently, the Tigrayan-dominated regime of Ethiopia has forfeited its representation of the Oromo people; the agreements it enters on behalf of the Oromo people shall not be binding. In the meantime, we kindly and respectfully appeal to the United Nations and the international communities to:
1. Demand that the Ethiopian government stop its land-grab and distribution policies with no delay;
2. Impose their good offices on the Ethiopian government so that the government compensates all the victims of the land-grab;
3. Demand that the Ethiopian government recognizes the indigenous people’s ownership of their ancestral land;
4. Discourage foreign investors from continuing to lease lands from the Ethiopian government because the lands that are leased are given to them by displacing the native people;
5. Actively engage in the establishment of independent commissions of justice both at regional and global levels to investigate these criminal acts of forceful land-grabs that threaten the existence of indigenous peoples in Ethiopia in order to enable victims of land-grabbing to be able to access fair justice.
Respectfully,
Mosisa Aga, Ph.D.
OSA President

Tuesday, April 16, 2013

Ethiopia enlists help of forest communities to reverse deforestation

Despite taking years to establish the first projects, growth in forest cover and increasing incomes for the communities involved have enabled bigger schemes to begin.

When the Ethiopian government realised that outright bans on cutting down trees failed to stop deforestation, it instead turned to a strategy based on enlisting the help of forest communities.

The first participatory forest management (PFM) schemes were piloted 15 years ago. Based on signs of success, PFM is being rolled out in larger areas. A particularly ambitious scheme is taking place in the mountains of Bale in the southern region of Oromia, where the authorities are applying PFM to 500,000 hectares (1.24m acres) of forest in a project run by Farm Africa, a British NGO in partnership with SOS Sahel, a local NGO.

Ethiopia has experienced massive deforestation. From a baseline of perhaps 40% forest cover in the 16th century, the country is down to 4.6%, a result of 0.8% deforestation a year. Pressure on forests comes from a rapidly growing population – 85 million – with over 80% living in rural areas, relying on rain-fed agriculture. The 70 million livestock put pressure on land and forests.

Starting the first PFM projects was difficult, Tsegaye Tadesse, programme manager with Farm Africa, told the Guardian, on a visit to London.

"We were not welcomed by communities at first," says Tadesse, who has worked in forestry since the 1980s. "Imagine being told that you will no longer have free access – despite laws prohibiting you from cutting down trees. You would want to carry on with the easy way, coming and going as you choose."

The government applied a carrot and stick approach. Officials raised the spectre of eviction and bused forest dwellers hundreds of kilometres to areas that had suffered extensive deforestation to show them the bleak future that was in store once the forests had disappeared. "We took community representatives to degraded areas so they could see the results of failing to take proper care of forests," he says.

The carrot was managed use of the forest – including logging – for an unspecified time. In Ethiopia, land is owned by the state so it cannot be sold or used as collateral. Nevertheless, the offer of legal exploitation of resources was used as an incentive to gain the involvement of forest communities.

It took eight years to apply PFM to 5,000 hectares, in Chilmo, about 90km west of Addis Ababa, the capital. It has become easier since the first projects because now, says Tadesse, forest communities can see successful examples of PFM. "It is a bit like vaccines. It takes a lot of money to develop at first, but once you have it, things become easier," he says.

Besides husbanding forest resources, PFM also develops money-making activities. In Bale, forest communities have been taught to grow coffee and bamboo and to become bee-keepers. Of the 23,000 households (an average of five people per household) covered by the Bale project, about 3,500 have taken up these activities. But Tadesse says efforts to develop alternative livelihoods are being hampered by the lack of a strong private sector.

"The idea was to bring in the private sector," he says. "But it is not strong enough yet to develop the continuous supply of forest coffee, natural oils and honey. We know the consumers are there – there is strong demand for honey in Addis. But we need hives to be distributed, technical support. Markets are not functioning as well as they should."

Tadesse says the results have been encouraging from the first PFM pilot project, in Chilmo, where satellite imagery has shown a 9.2% increase in forest cover. Communities are seeing an increase in incomes from sales of honey to Addis and coffee to Italian firms.

"Families are sending children to colleges. Thatched roofs are being replaced by corrugated iron, but we need to find out more about how big an impact these livelihoods are having," Tadesse says.

One unintended consequence of PFM has been the growth of a sense of civic responsibility. "There are always conflicts around natural resources. PFM involves lots of conflict mediation and exercises in negotiation. It has contributed to the building of stable communities and in building democracy at a grassroots level."

The question, as ever, is whether these communities can sustain themselves, once funding for the project stops. Funding of €5.4m (£4.6m) from Ireland, Norway and the Netherlands ended in December, although Norway has extended funding of €2m for another three years. With the help of Oxford University, Farm Africa is designing a scheme for Bale to tap into the UN's Redd+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) plan to raise money through carbon credits. According to Redd+, global deforestation accounts for nearly 20% of all CO2 emissions. Under the Redd scheme – proposed by Papua New Guinea and others in 2005 – developing countries are paid for protecting their forests.

In preserving the forests of Bale, Tadesse estimates that the PFM scheme could produce 18m tonnes of tradable carbon over the next 20 years. A carbon credit currently sells for $5 a tonne. Tadesse, however, says any money from carbon credits would be a bonus, but not central to the viability of the project in Bale.

A new report, Rediscovering Ambition on Forests, by Bharrat Jagdeo, former president of Guyana and a roving ambassador for the Three Basins Initiative, calls on rich countries to invest in forest conservationschemes. The report estimates that $29bn in incentive payments could halve annual deforestation across the 26 net deforesting countries of theThree Basins (Amazon basin, Congo basin and south-east Asia). It warns that without commitment to forest preservation now, it will be impossible to stabilise the world's climate within 2° above pre-industrial levels.

Tilahun Regassa of Ethiopia wins Rotterdam Marathon ahead of teammate Getu Feleke

Tilahun Regassa led an Ethiopian 1-2 finish at the Rotterdam Marathon on Sunday, breaking away with 3 miles left.

He won the title in just his second marathon, finishing in 2 hours, 5 minutes and 38 seconds. That was 11 seconds slower than his personal best set in Chicago last year.

Regassa ran away from a leading pack of four runners around the 20-mile mark and finished blowing kisses to the crowd down the final straight in this port city. Regassa’s countryman Getu Feleke was second for the second straight year in 2:06.45. Sammy Kitwara of Kenya finished third in 2:07.22.

Jemima Jelagat of Kenya won the women’s race in 2:23.27.

Tullow falls on Ethiopian setback

PETER FLANAGAN – 16 APRIL 2013

SHARES in Tullow Oil plummeted yesterday as the company said drilling at a well in Ethiopia had been delayed.

In a statement, Tullow said it had experienced "stability" issues at its Sabisa-1 well in Ethiopia. As a result drilling at the well had been delayed until the end of May – two months later than planned.

"Hydrocarbon indications. . . have been recorded whilst drilling, but hole instability issues have required the drilling of a sidetrack to comprehensively log and sample these zones of interest," Tullow said.

Tullow's exploration director Angus McCoss said the issues were being dealt with.

"The Sabisa-1 well has proved to be technically challenging, as is often the case in frontier basins, and the well now requires a side-track to redrill, log and sample the objective section. Nevertheless, we are encouraged by the hydrocarbon indications which provide emerging evidence for a working petroleum system in the previously undrilled South Omo Basin," he added.

Elsewhere Tullow said it had completed the first of six drill tests at the Ngamia-1 well in Kenya, which flowed at a reasonable 281 barrels a day.

Mr McCoss described the flow rate as "very encouraging".

By the close in London, Tullow was down 5.1pc at 1,101p.

Saturday, April 6, 2013

Ethiopia ready to censor, crackdown on Internet, radio and TV

ADDIS ABABA: Worries are abounding in Ethiopia that the government is preparing to pass new legislation that would censor almost all forms of media, both traditional and new.

The new draft law is reportedly being prepared by a steering committee constituting the Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority, Ethiopian Ministry of Communications & Information Technology and Information Network Security Agency.

The Ethiopia Radio & Television Agency is also participating in the drafting process of the new law.

Activists and journalists and have lashed out at the government, saying it is a way of stifling any dissent and opposition to the government’s policies.

“We are fed up with this and hope that it will not come and happen because it would mean the end to any semblance of freedom of speech in the country,” 29-year-old activist and blogger Geteye told Bikyanews.com.

“We cannot allow the government to stifle our ability to be free and have fair discussions in our media. This is dictatorship.”

The bill is required to regulate Internet, television and radio broadcasts, once the current analogue infrastructure is transformed to a digital system.

“The law is needed, in order to prepare for the management complexities that will follow digitization,” Leul said.

A federal agency will also be established to administer the broadcasting network and radio waves, with Ethiopian Broadcast Authority controlling the content transmitted on different channels, according to Leul.

Under the new bill, additional licenses are expected to be issued, including mobile TV broadcasting license, Bedlu Weldemariam, mass media registration & license director, at the Ethiopian Broadcast Authority.

It comes after a report suggested that the Ethiopian government was using spyware to keep tabs on activists and opposition leaders in the country, which also angered activists, who have called for the international community to take note of what is happening in the country on freedom of speech issues.

BN